Aaj Bazaar Mein

Rakht-e-dil baandh lo, Dil figaaron chalo
Phir hum hi qatl ho aaye yaaro, chalo
Aaj Bazaar mein, pa bajolaan chalo
– Faiz Ahmed Faiz

A few days ago, Manan recounted that Faiz thought of this poem when he was being taken to a medical appointment from prison in a tonga. He was handcuffed. People recognised him and started walking alongside him. The poem hits differently in the wake of Fr Stan Swamy’s death.

Let’s make no mistakes. The state murdered him in cold blood. It is crucial to put the onus where it lies. With his death, the hope for justice has died one more time, the promise of democracy further weakened, and the already dim lights of resistance further extinguished.

Wrote a few lines in rage today.

जरुरी नहीं कि जीते जी हमारे इन्किलाब आए
पर आए तो इन्क़िलाबों का सैलाब आए

इशारा है हुक्मरानों को और रहबरों को भी
सुननी मौत हो अगर तो सामने बेनकाब आए

गिराये जायेंगे लाशों पर बने तेरे सभी महल
कयामत आए तो तेरे गुनाहों का हिसाब आए

मेरे बाद भी लिखेंगे कैद ख्वाबों कि दास्तान
बस मेरे सांसों के नाम एक इंतेसाब आए

– कौस्तुभ

Hello from Philadelphia

It has been two months since I arrived in Philadelphia, and I have wanted to resume regular blogging about my time here. Not to ‘create content’ or drive traffic per se but to get into the regular writing habit. Barring the first week where I was irritated and disoriented when I realized the room unfurnished, and the bathroom was dirty to the extent that a slipper stuck on the floor did not move if you tried to push it.

Meanwhile, I went to campus on few occasions, met with few people and slowly trying to get myself accustomed to the neighbourhood. There are some decent supermarket and speciality stores within walking distance, so that helps. However, I might move up a block or two next semester with another friend from Delhi.

The US is weird. Capitalism is so ingrained into people’s lives here. It is not surprising that people here overemphasize community initiatives etc., because that kind of system is inherently lacking. This emphasis on individually negotiating the city may have its pros and cons, but it certainly makes you alienated. More ethnographic notes on the US of A later.

It is springtime now, and the weather is getting better, with an occasional cloudy day where it drizzles a bit. I usually avoid going out unless I have to meet someone or go to the supermarket. Last weekend I spent few hours at the park, and it felt nice. I should do that more often instead of doomscrolling on Twitter.

The biggest update is that I got vaccinated during the walk-in vaccination drive at the Convention centre. I am yet to get my second shot, but it already feels liberating.

Anyways. I hope to keep blogging a bit more frequently to log my notes of amusement about UPenn and Philadelphia.

PS: I ate cheesesteak and wasn’t impressed. I will give it another try.

लिस्बन -१

फोटोमध्ये किंवा युट्युबवर जसं दिसतं तसंच लिस्बन आहे. नजरेत भरणाऱ्या रंगीत इमारती, खिडक्यांतून बाहेर डोकावणारी म्हातारी माणसं, अरुंद चढ्या रस्त्यावरुन येजा करणारी पिवळी ट्राम, आणि प्रवाश्यांनी गजबजलेलं शहर. रस्त्यावरून येताजाता ‘बॉ दिया’ आणि ‘बॉ नॉयत’ म्हणणारे, मी गोव्याचा आहे हे समजल्यावर अधिक आपुलकीने विचारपूस करणारे अनोळखी लोक. युरोपमध्ये फिरताना कमालीचं एलियनेशन जाणवतं. आपण इथले नाही हि जाणीव सतत होत असते (आणि करूनही दिली जाते). पण लिस्बनमध्ये असं कधी वाटलं नाही. मी गोव्याचा असल्यामुळे असलेला पूर्वग्रह म्हणा का काहीही, पण युरोपमध्ये इतरत्र फिरताना कुठेही न जाणवलेली आपुलकी लिस्बनमध्ये जाणवली. हक्कानं आपलं म्हणावं असं शहर.

२०१७ मध्ये जेव्हा मी लिस्बनमध्ये गेलो तेव्हा अजिबातच प्रवास करायची मनस्थिती नव्हती. बाबा जाऊन दोनच महिने झाले होते. मी खूपच डिसओरिएंटेड होतो. त्यात जायची तयारी एकदम दोन आठवड्यात करायची होती. सगळ्या गोष्टी पथ्यावर पडल्या व शेवटी लिस्बनमध्ये पोचलो. प्रथमदर्शनी कोणाच्या प्रेमात पडावं तसं त्या शहराच्या प्रेमात पडलो. ते प्रेम आजही कायम आहे.

हा फोटो हा लिस्बनचे पेट्रन सेंट, सांव व्हिन्सेंट दे फोरा, ह्यांच्या पुतळ्याचा आहे.

लिस्बनला जाऊन झालेलं दुसरं प्रेम म्हणजे फर्नांडो पेसोआ. कॅफे ब्राजिलैराच्या बाहेर पेसोआचा एक पुतळा आहे. पेसोआ हा एक मॉडर्न पोर्तुगीज कवी आहे एवढं माहित होतं पण त्याचं साहित्य मी लिस्बनमध्ये असताना वाचलं आणि पुरता झपाटून गेलो. “To express something is to conserve its virtue and take away its terror” हे लिहिणारा पेसोआ मला लिस्बनमध्ये भेटला. त्याचं ‘बुक ऑफ डिस्कवायट’ हे पुस्तक मी नेहमी सोबत बाळगतो. कमालीचा एकटेपणा आणि दुःख अनुभवलेल्या ह्या अवलिया लेखकाने सुमारे पंच्याहत्तर टोपणनावांनी (heteronyms) लेखन केलं. प्रत्येक टोपणनावाचं स्वतंत्र चरित्र, त्याची स्वतंत्र राजकीय भूमिका, स्वतंत्र लेखन शैली पेसोआने विकसित केली. रिकार्डो रैस, बर्नाडो सुआरिस, अल्व्हारो काम्पूश हि त्याची गाजलेली heteronyms आहेत.

 

बेलेमध्ये गेलो असता तिथली जेरोमी मॉनेस्ट्री, बेलें टॉवर, कामोईशची समाधी पाहत मी पाद्रांव दूश देशकोम्ब्रीमेंतूश (the monument of discovery) पाशी आलो. युरोपहून भारतासाठी निघालेलं वास्को द गमाचं जहाज हे ह्याच बंदराहून निघालं होतं. आफ्रिका खंडाला वळसा घालून भारतापर्यंत पोचण्याचा समुद्रमार्ग शोधण्याच्या तसेच पोर्तुगालहून झालेल्या इतर डिस्कव्हरी अंकित करण्यासाठी १९३९ साली हे स्मारक बनवलं होतं. ह्या स्मारकाच्या तळाशी वर्णभेद आणि नागरिकतेवर एक प्रदर्शन भरवलं आहे. आफ्रिकन लोकांच्या गुलामगिरीवर पोसलेला युरोपियन वसाहतवाद हा ह्या बंदरापासून सुरु झाला. त्याच बंदरावर त्या गुलामगिरीमुळे झालेली आणि आजही अव्याहत सुरु असलेली आफ्रिकन लोकांच्या वर्णभेदाचा अनुभव सांगणारी कहाणी सांगणारं हे प्रदर्शन आहे.

युरोपियन वसाहतवादाचं चक्र सुरु करून देणारं लिस्बन शहर आज स्वतःच जागतिकीकरणाच्या प्रक्रियेत ढासळत चाललेल्या अर्थव्यवस्थेच्या अंतर्विरोधाचं ओझं घेत उभं आहे. पोर्तुगालने आजपर्यंत अनेक राजकीय स्थित्यंतरं बघितली आहेत. आताही पोर्तुगाल एका भीषण आर्थिक धक्क्यातून वाट काढत आहे. ह्या प्रक्रियेत लिस्बनमध्ये आमूलाग्र बदल होत आहेत. परदेशी चलन अर्थव्यवस्थेत यावं आणि अर्थव्यवस्था खेळती राहावी म्हणून तिथलं सरकार आता पर्यटन आणि रियल इस्टेटमधील गुंतवणुकीवर भर देत आहे. रियल इस्टेटमधील परदेशी गुंतवणुकीच्या बदल्यात पोर्तुगीज नागरिकत्व बहाल करण्यात येत आहे. ह्याची दुसरी बाजू म्हणजे तिथे पूर्वीपासून राहणाऱ्या अनेक लोकांवर त्यांची घरं खाली करण्याची पाळी आली आहे.

पण हे सर्व बदल होताना युरोपमध्ये इतरत्र दिसणारा फॅसीजम पोर्तुगालात (सद्यातरी) दिसत नाही. ह्याचं एक कारण म्हणजे सालाझारच्या राजवटीचे दुष्परिणाम बघितलेली पिढी आजही पोर्तुगालमध्ये आहे आणि परिस्थिती कितीही बिकट झाली तरी एकाधिकारशाही हा काही पर्याय असू शकत नाही हे त्यांना मनोमन वाटतं असं तिथल्या एका इतिहासकाराचं म्हणणं आहे.

बेलग्रेड

सर्बियाची राजाधानी आणि त्याआधी युगोस्लव्हियाची राजधानी म्हणून बेलग्रेड प्रसिद्ध आहे. खरंतर अगदी रोमन साम्राज्यापासूनच ते एक प्रमुख युरोपियन शहर आहे. आम्ही तिथे २०१८ साली जेएनयूतर्फे एका परिषदेसाठी गेलो होतो. सर्बिया देशात जायला भारतीय पासपोर्टधारकांस व्हिजा लागत नाही. पण त्यामुळे तिथले इमिग्रेशन ऑफिसर्स तुमची तितकीच कसून चौकशी करतात.

रशिया-अमेरिकेच्या शीतयुद्धाच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर तिथले कम्युनिस्ट क्रांतिकारी नेते जोसिप टिटो ह्यांनी नॉन अलाईनमेंट मूव्हमेंट (अलिप्त राष्ट्रगट चळवळ) सुरु केली. भारत आणि तत्कालीन प्रधानमंत्री जवाहरलाल नेहरूंचा ह्यात प्रमुख वाटा होता. बेलग्रेड हे नॉन अलायन्ड मूव्हमेंटचे उगमस्थान आहे. त्याच्या स्मरणार्थ नोवी साद आणि जुनं बेलग्रेड ह्या भागांना जोडणाऱ्या एका पुलापाशी एक ओबेलिस्क (दगडी स्तंभ) उभारण्यात आलेला आहे. नॉन अलायन्ड मूव्हमेंटमुळे तिथल्या लोकांमध्ये भारताविषयी आणि नेहरूंविषयी कमालीचा आदर आहे. ह्याची साक्ष देणारा एक छोटासा किस्सा घडला. आमचे जेएनयूमधील काही मित्र बेलग्रेड शहराच्या बाहेर फिरण्यासाठी गेले होते. संध्याकाळी परत येताना उशीर झाला त्यामुळे त्यांनी परत यायची शेवटची बस चुकली. दुसरी कुठली बस मिळेल ह्या प्रतीक्षेत तिथे उभे असता एका म्हाताऱ्या सर्बियन माणसाने त्यांना पाहून आपली गाडी थांबवली. ‘फ्रॉम इंडिया?’ असं विचारत त्यांना गाडीत बसवले आणि नेहरू आणि इंदिरा गांधीविषयी किस्से सांगत बेलग्रेडपर्यंत आणून सोडले.

तिथे बॉलीवूड चित्रपट आणि हिंदी टीव्ही मालिका प्रचंड प्रसिद्ध आहेत. तिथली लोकं ‘बालिका वधू’ हि मालिका अत्यंत आवडीने बघतात असे कळले. बेलग्रेड विद्यापीठातल्या एका मैत्रिणीच्या घरी तिच्या वाढदिवसानिमित्त गेलो होतो. तिथल्या नाट्यविभागात शिकणाऱ्या इतर मुलांशी ओळख झाली. त्यातल्या एकाने आमिर खान आणि काजोल ह्यांच्या ‘फना’ चित्रपटातील गाणी म्हणून दाखवली आणि कबीर बेदी हा त्याचा आवडता अभिनेता असल्याचे सांगितले.

बाल्कन भागातल्या सततच्या राजकीय घडामोडीमुळे सर्बिया हे राष्ट्र आंतरराष्ट्रीय राजकारणात नेहमीच चर्चेचा विषय राहिलेलं आहे. आम्ही तिथे असता बोस्नियातील मुसलमान लोकांच्या नरसंहाराची जबाबदारी सर्बियन राज्याने आणि सैन्याने घ्यावी ह्यासाठी निदर्शने चालू होती. ९९ सालात झालेल्या नाटो बॉम्बिंगमध्ये मोडलेल्या काही इमारती अजूनही तश्याच पडझडीच्या अवस्थेत आहेत. टिटोची राजवट पाहिलेल्या पिढीचा एक कम्युनिस्ट नॉस्टॅलजिया आहे. स्टालिनलाही पुरून उरलेल्या हा नेता तिथल्या सोशालिजमच्या अस्तानंतर आजही एक आयकॉन आहे. सोशालिस्ट मॉडर्निज्म ह्या स्थापत्यशास्त्रातील प्रकारच्या अनेक इमारती इथे अजूनही पाहायला मिळतात.

आमचा मुक्काम बेलग्रेड विद्यापीठातल्या एका प्राध्यापिकेच्या घरी होता. एकदा विद्यापीठात जाताना तिने आम्हाला बाहेर इशारा करून एक इमारत दाखवली. ती इमारत तिथल्या कम्युनिस्ट लीगचं प्रमुख कार्यालय होतं. आता तिथे एक बिजनेस सेंटर आणि मॉल आहे.

हा फोटो हा बेलग्रेड शहरातील झेमून ह्या भागातल्या गार्दोस टॉवरचा आहे

जर्मनी

खरं सांगायचं तर मला प्रवास करणं खूपच किचकटीचं काम वाटतं. पण ह्या न त्या कारणाने गेल्या काही वर्षात भारतात आणि भारताबाहेर मी बऱ्यापैकी फिरलो आहे. आता घरात बसायची सक्तीच झाल्यामुळे #throwback च्या नावाखाली प्रवासातले काही जुने फोटो मी इंस्टाग्रामवर अपलोड करत होतो. त्या जोडीला त्या प्रवासातल्या काही आठवणी ताज्या आहेत तर लिहून काढाव्या हा विचार मनात आला. खरंतर माझ्या प्रवासावर काहीतरी लिहावं असं मला सारखं वाटत असतं पण आळसावर मात करून ते साध्य करणं जमत नाही. ह्याही वेळेस जमेल का नाही माहित नाही पण नियमित काहीतरी लिहावं म्हणून हा प्रयत्न करतोय.

हा पहिला फोटो जर्मनीतला. अगदी पहिल्या परदेशवारीचा. राष्ट्राच्या सीमा काय असतात, त्या कशासाठी असतात, वर्णभेद काय असतो, कुठल्यातरी एम्बसीत बसलेल्या कुणा ऑफिसरच्या हातात तुमची स्वप्नं, महत्वाकांक्षा असणं म्हणजे काय वगैरे सगळे त्रास एकत्र अनुभवायचे असतील तर युरोपला जाणे करावे. एक अमेरिकावारी सोडल्यास इमिग्रेशन आणि वीजाचे किस्से हमखास माझ्याबाबतीत झालेत. प्रसंग आल्यास तेही लिहीन इथे कधीतरी. तूर्तास जर्मनीकडे वळू. पहिल्यांदा जर्मनीत गेलो तेव्हा कोलोन शहरात मुक्काम होता. दुसऱ्यांदा गेलो तेव्हा कोलोनबरोबर बर्लिन आणि म्युनिक हि दोन शहरे बघितली. बर्लिनविषयी वेगळं लिहीन इतकं ते शहर मला आवडलं.

म्युनिक मध्ये असताना डाकाव कॅम्प पाहायला गेलो होतो. १९३३ साली सुरु झालेला हा कॅम्प बहुधा पहिला कॅम्प असावा. तिथल्या एका दालनात नाझी पार्टीचा उदय कसा झाला ह्यावर एक प्रदर्शन आहे. आपल्याकडची परिस्थिती समजून घ्यायची असेल तर हा इतिहास जरूर वाचावा. ज्या बीयर हॉल मध्ये नाझी पार्टीची पहिली बैठक झाली तोही हॉल पहिला.

जर्मनीत फिरताना दुसऱ्या महायुद्धाच्या आधी आणि नंतर जे काही घडलं त्याची आठवण करून देणाऱ्या अनेक गोष्टी आहेत. कोलोनमधल्या फूटपाथवर सपाटीवरून थोड्याश्या बाहेर येणाऱ्या ब्रास प्लेट्स बसवल्या आहेत. त्याला स्टॉलपरस्टाईन म्हणतात. ह्या प्लेट्सवर नाझी संहारात मारल्या गेलेल्या ज्यू लोकांची नावं आहेत. ह्या प्लेट्स त्या लोकांच्या शेवटच्या माहीत असलेल्या जागांवर लावलेल्या आहेत. त्या एकतर तुम्हाला चालताना दिसतील किंवा त्यावरून चालत गेलात तर काहीसे अडखळाल. ह्या न त्या प्रकारे तुमचं लक्ष वेधून घेऊन नाझी पार्टीने ज्यू लोकांविरुद्ध केलेल्या अत्याचारांची आठवण ह्या प्लेट्स करून देतात.

 

हा फोटो रुडसाईम ह्या ऱ्हाईन नदीच्या काठी वसलेल्या गावातला आहे. जर्मन राजवटीच्या स्थापनेच्या स्मरणार्थ एकोणिसाव्या शतकात हे स्मारक बांधलं होतं. तिथल्याच मागील एका विनयार्डात ‘राष्ट्रवाद हा पर्याय नाही’ अश्या आशयाचा एक संदेश मोठ्या अक्षरात लिहिला होता.

Periyar and the Politics of Resentment

What does it mean to grow up watching systemic oppression unfold onto people around you and not having a vocabulary to denounce/counter/ridicule it? This is what our childhood entails. I can recount several instances where small acts, micro-aggressions of caste discrimination were only discussed within the family but not openly because there was a legit fear of being ostracized further. And then there is what Gilroy calls the curated ignorance. The discourse that empowers the oppressed is carefully sucked out of all spheres of public life. It took over two decades for me to finally validate my speculation that caste hierarchy is the most inhuman form of oppression. It’s maddening to carry that anger as a child. Some of us find ways to amplify it in ways that redeem us of that fear.

Nagraj Manjule has this brilliant poem where he writes,

If I didn’t have a pen in my hand,
And instead had a chisel,
Or a flute even
I would have continued to excavate
the perennial chaos of my being

It is in the writings of Phule, Ambedkar, Periyar that we found the articulation of the chaos of our beings. They are our heroes not merely because they paved the way to the emancipation of the oppressed castes, but they also retained the intensity of our generational traumas and anger as a foundational inspiration for their politics. For Shuddhabrata Sengupta to come up and reduce it to a mere ‘politics of resentment‘, based on a fake quote, is an appalling act of epistemic violence.

There seems to be some tacit expectation that the anti-brahmin (and hence anti-caste) rhetoric should adhere to some code of civility. So not only should the oppressed castes suffer the brahminical oppression, but also be humble in countering it to conserve the fragile and bruised brahmin egos. Why is that burden of humility squarely placed on the oppressed, while the oppressor is unhinged from any accountability for his actions? If you can revel in my oppression, you will also have to face the wrath of my resistance. You can’t have it both ways.

Periyar IS our hero precisely because he realized that the brahminical oppression cannot be singularly dealt with ‘civility’. He didn’t pacify those wronged by the caste system like Gandhi, the darling of upper-caste Indian liberals. Instead, Periyar brilliantly deployed rhetoric to ridicule the inhuman order of caste hierarchy.

The burden of humility

In the past two days, I have read two brilliant pieces of writing, Divya Malhari’s blog post on ‘A God of Small Things’ and Prof Suryakant Waghmore’s essay on Hindu politeness. Despite their dissimilar genres and scope, I felt equally moved as they both touched on a core emotional response to the many atrocities that the caste system inflicts on its victims.

Divya wrote about a very palpable fear that a lot of us carry – of speaking about caste while not rejecting possible allies. This is something I have been thinking about for some time now and reading Divya’s post suddenly put things in perspective for me. We carry the burden that if we bring up caste we might upset other people around us. And this burden is so internalized that often we lose out on questioning even micro-aggressions of caste discrimination.

I vividly recall an incident where I was invited to be part of a tv debate by a local editor. This was the time I was writing a column in an English daily for almost over a year. After the debate was over, my co-panelist said that he enjoys reading my articles. The editor (needless to say upper-caste male) immediately quipped that there are so many new newspapers being launched in the state and they need someone or the other to fill up column spaces. I immediately knew what he wanted to imply. But I just couldn’t shut him up. Another time, this upper-caste girl on Facebook had posted, in response to my column, that people are learning new words from the English dictionary and writing articles around it. I was infuriated but I couldn’t express my anger, partly because I was not directly named but also because the burden of proving my worth or that of my writing was on me somehow. Every time I sense something like this, I think it is a bait I should not take to preserve my mental peace.

When I would tell these incidents to my other upper caste friends, they would sympathize but also tell me how I should focus on my work and not give them attention. That I should not let them get to me and derail my work. It made sense to me then. But lately, I have come to realize a crucial difference. Whenever I have shared such instances with my fellow Dalit Bahujan friends, I have received a more empathetic response and they have shown readiness in countering such filth that came my way. In online spaces, they’ve even gone and fought on my behalf.

Whereas, more often than not, my UC friends have asked me to keep quiet while elevating me on a moral pedestal. They would rather do this instead of asking for accountability from their caste brethren. One wonders why is the onus of a measured response is squarely placed on me? What it ends up doing, intentionally or otherwise, is merely diffusing the tension of the situation but lets the perpetrator of caste violence operate unhinged, such that they are free to repeat this act (perhaps with renewed intensity).

Which brings me to Prof Waghmore’s essay on caste violence and Hindu politeness. He writes based on three instances of atrocities inflicted on Dalits by the dominant caste Marathas and Vanjaris in the Marathawada region of Maharashtra. He writes how caste has adapted newer forms of propagation as India transitioned to a constitutional republic, especially where the practice of caste discrimination is a criminal offense. He develops this concept called the Hindu politeness, which is a form of subversive communication that caste Hindus resort to while engaging with Dalits. He writes that humility is increasingly a Dalit burden for sustaining village peace.

While Divya’s post is from a personal experience of a strained friendship, Prof Waghmore deals with the banal yet brutal forms of caste violence in rural Maharashtra. In no ways I am trying to equate these incidents with each other, or to my experiences. One must be attentive towards the degree of severity in which these incidents manifest. And yet, they emerge from the same code of graded hierarchy that deems some people lower, polluted than others.

The reason that these formulations hit home in their conjunction is that it is something that I was discussing with my mother and a couple of friends just a few days back. On the teacher’s day, people on twitter were recollecting their good and bad experiences of their school. When I tried to recollect, I realize I didn’t feel so connected with my school experience that I had to rave about it. Yes, I had a fairly decent experience and average teachers but in retrospect, I also think the school made a lot of my peers, including me at times, internalize our caste positions and that we should not transgress them. I have seen this operate in two ways – if you were not so great at studying, you would be told that you are good for nothing and there is no point that you should be studying in the first place. If you were indeed good at securing marks, you would be pulled up for behavioral transgressions. For instance, telling you that you are over-confident, arrogant, and most importantly, not humble. One did take these judgments on their behavior to the heart. At least I did. It is only now I realize that these transgressions were routinely afforded by my upper-caste peers without getting pulled up for them. We were rather reduced to average because excellence was reserved for the twice-born.

It is in this context I have come to realize that humility is an emotion weaponized by the oppressor. Men would expect women to be humble in their civil transactions. Similarly, the upper castes would expect those lower than them to be humble because the loss of decorum is somehow a worse state than being peaceful about an act of inhuman treatment.

It is not a coincidence that upper castes, even the so-called progressive ones, would go on about how those from the marginalized castes do not have the decency to speak or conduct themselves. In an environment where openly denying caste could revoke your membership to the woke and progressive club, hating on someone for their lack of behavioral decorum is a low hanging fruit everyone would go for. It is not uncommon to hear UC folks, even epecially those who identify as allies to the anti-caste movements, say I don’t like the way they speak, or that they need to make their point in a better way. I have heard this often on the JNU campus when the left-leaning students and faculty members talk about BAPSA, for instance. Don’t do this. You are not lending your allyship here but are merely reifying the very structure that you claim to fight. The only difference is that in this structure, it is my aspiration and life which are stake, not yours. To me, an ally should be my partner in rage. Not someone who diffuses my angst, and thereby the intensity of the act of violence. If I am opening up about my vulnerable moments of facing oppression to you, what part of your social privilege are you going to risk for what I am facing? That will decide if we can be allies. If not, we can continue to remain friends but certainly not allies.

On the New Education Policy 2020

Last month, I spoke at a webinar organised by Pinnacle, a discussion club put together by the current and ex students of Dept of Political Science at the Goa University. I am sharing my notes and the full video of the webinar for those who are interested. It was an honour to be doing this alongside Dr Manisha Priyam whose work on education policy has been unparalleled.

I spoke as someone who has a stake in this policy as a student in the Indian higher education system. Also, having been in Delhi since 2014, I have seen the intersection of bureaucracy, education, and political establishment from a close distance and formulate my observations from that standpoint. My response to NEP was based on following points.

  • Too many adjectives / Does Not Cite Sources 
    • It would be a good exercise to strip the text of its adjectives and read it again. This manner of writing alone increases the magnitude of expectation one has from the policy.
  • Replacing a conventional UK based model of Higher Education to an US based model.
    • Felt like it. Scrapping of affiliate colleges, MPhil degrees etc. Much of the text seems like a welcome change to the education system. But it’s an uphill task on implementing it. Not sheerly because of its scale, but also keeping in mind the inertia of our educators, bureaucracy, and political establishment. However,
  • No definite road map for implementation
  • No measurable parameters of outcomes
    • Without the road map or no measurable outcomes, the policy reads like a wishful thinking.
  • Decentralization?
    • Another national body to fund, regulate, accredition. No mention how State and the Centre will be partnering in realizing this policy.
  • Recent success stories don’t find a mention. Instead we are recounted models from distant past. JNU/ AUD/ Bandodkar and Primary Education in Goa.
    • It is not like these models have not been implemented in India before. Public universities have been running on these very models but those are not cited as success stories. Despite the disproportionate media attention that JNU gets, it’s a success story by any stretch of imagination. Have been to universities in Europe and USA, and JNU is no less at the fraction of their cost. Similarly AUD. University of Mysore. BHU.
  • In what environment will this policy be realised?
    • Devil is in the detail. In an environemnts where univerities are becoming law and order sites, how does one realize the policy? Not just JNU. Many campuses across the country that we don’t hear about. Due to the undue attention that JNU has. Cosmopolitanism. World class?

  • Problematising the idea of Mother tongue.
    • Languages are not inherent or coded into genes. We should rather unburden language from the duties of motherhood that it claims.
  • Language have been reduced to a marker of regional identity. How does one reimagine it?
    • Linguistic reorganisation of states recognizes the diversity of Indian linguistic culture but often elbows out the linguistic multiplicity.
  • Non standardised languages, scripts, Romi Konkani. Bhojpuri.
    • What happens? Someone in Pernenm or Saxxti learning Antruzi Konkani. Haanv Thai Gello, Haanv Tinga Gello, Meeya Thay Gellay. Three sentences that mean the same but only one would be correct. How do we account these problems in policy, pedagogy, and assessment?
  • Medium of Instruction issue in Goa
    • Outcome of not recognizing Romi Konkani as a legitimate  language. We are acting out of our impulses of cultural nationalism and a post-colonial anxiety. Let’s leave out education and people’s futures out of it.
  • English has an aspirational value.
    • Everyone should have the right to aspire and government must provide the means to realize them. Cannot place the burden of conserving vernacular languages squarely on the class of people who cannot afford privatised english medium schools.
    • Learning in English or Learning English –My own example. Access to literature, cinema, tv shows. Remove privileges and it becomes a hurdle. Redistribute these opportunities.
  • Language as a bridge to access  modernity. 
    • Possible to rethink languages, medium of instruction, and the entire policy with minimum or no cultural nationalism?

On a digital detox

I have been contemplating going on a digital detox and cutting down on my social media use off lately. I am compulsively glued to my phone, iPad, and Macbook, and this has only worsened since the lockdown began. At times, I have often found myself infinitely scrolling on my phone without paying particular attention to the content. So, I went ahead and deactivated my social media accounts. Facebook’s complicity in spreading hate speech in India was the trigger.

Additionally (or rather, alternatively), I am thinking of switching back to regular blogging and see if I can create a space here to share my opinions and updates in my life. I do not want to be subjected to a barrage of information that I don’t need. Getting locked into platforms, where curating the information that comes to you is difficult, gets you nowhere. I would rather keep away from content streams where I do not have absolute control over how the information is served to me. For instance, to minimize the consumption on Facebook, I unfollowed all my friends and then followed a small list of people who share content that I am interested in. But the number of friend requests I would get on FB would increase and then managing it over time became a problem.

Another reason I want to be off social media is to keep away from the attention and visibility that comes with it. People who come here will find their way here because they are looking for something and not because Facebook decided to show my updates on their timeline. I have had my share of getting viral and it does nothing much beyond a point.

It has been a week since this exercise has begun. Incidentally, my phone is on a deathbed, which has been a blessing in disguise. It is helping me get rid of compulsively checking my phone for updates that I don’t want to know or care enough about.

Returning to blogging would also serve as an excuse to write daily, which is something I am missing since the lockdown. As an aside to the detox, I am using the additional time to catch up on reading fiction and watching films on Mubi. In future entries, I wish to write about the books I read and films/shows I watch. I have also started with my Basic Portuguese classes since last month. As I progress, I am maintaining a list of Portuguese words that are colloquially used in Konkani. I will soon update them on a separate page.

Fake news is a theatrical problem

An entire community across the country was demonised based on doctored clips, fake news and hate speech. This is not new and people do not seem to get tired of this. Instead, they choose participate in the dehumanising of muslims with a renewed vigour.

Why is that truth can be established only in retrospect, while a fake string of text claims lives within minutes? It feels like we have entered into a perpetual suspension of disbelief. Fake news is a distinctly theatrical problem that needs more attention from playwrights, historians, philosophers, fiction writers etc.